15 October 2011

Iranian Plot: Sting, False Flag, or Both?

US Attorney General Eric Holder held a press conference on 11 Oct where he claimed Federal authorities had foiled a plot by men linked to the Iranian government to kill the Saudi ambassador to the United States and to bomb the embassies of Saudi Arabia and Israel in Washington (NYT). The vagueness and innuendo in the language of the complaint filed with the federal court reek of a half-baked sting operation. For example, attacking the embassy of Saudi Arabia is mentioned as merely a  “possibility” of bombing foreign government facilities of Saudi Arabia and “another country”  located “within and outside of the United States."  Israel is not even mentioned in the complaint; the closest reference being the aforesaid reference to "another country."  And the plot hinged on the information supplied by a supposed assassin for hire, who was in reality a confidential source of the DEA, posing as a member of than international drug cartel, and who had agreed to work for the DEA after being convicted on an unrelated narcotics charge.  While the possibility that this was another hokey FBI/DEA sting operation has been covered widely in the mainstream press, the idea of this plot being a false flag operation, taking the form of a half-baked plot designed to be uncovered, has been conspicuous by its absence. 

A false flag operation occurs when party ‘A’ attacks party ‘B’ while engineering the blame for the attack to be hung on a third party ‘C.’    

It is the exposure of "C" in the plot that is important in a false flag operation, and understanding a false flag operation turns on the question of who, (what country or organization) stands to gain from an exposure of "C's" involvement in the plot -- and exposure, which in this case, would precipitate a US-Iranian crisis that might possibly lead to a war? 

The following three attachments provide information that may help you orient yourself to this ominous possibility:

Attachment 1 is an email from Ray Close now circulating widely on the internet.  Mr. Close served in the CIA operations side of the house at high levels, including being assigned as the CIA station chief in Saudi Arabia.  Close explains why he thinks whoever concocted this plot wanted it to be exposed in order to precipitate a major  U.S.-Iranian crisis.  

Attachment 2 is an essay by scholar/writer Esam Al-Amin that, in effect, builds on Close's argument by identifying potential beneficiaries.  I do not know if Al-Amin had access to the Close email. 

Some defenders of the complaint  may be tempted to dismiss the arguments of Close and Amin as mere speculation -- and to an extent they represent speculations, albeit by knowledgable men.  But to dismiss such arguments on these grounds would be to apply a double standard, because Attachment 3 reports that US officials, speaking on background, have admitted that the evidence supporting the allegation of high-level Iranian involvement is both scanty and wildly speculative, to put it charitably.  It says unnamed US officials have acknowledged their confidence in the allegation of high-level Iranian involvement was derived  inferentially from analysis and understanding of how the Iranian Quds Force operates, and that it was "more than likely" that Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and the Quds Force commander Qasem Suleimani knew about and approved the plot.  They insisted that it was not a rogue operation, but acknowledged that other parts of Iran’s factionalized government, including President Amadinejad, may not have know about it.  However experts on Iran and the Quds force, like Gary Sick of Columbia, Kenneth Katzman of the Congressional Research Office, and Alireza Nader of the RAND Corp., say the details of the plot just don't make sense and are entirely out of character for either Khamenei and Suleimani. 

In other words, the allegation of high-level Iranian involvement is based on speculative possibilities that deviate from observed patterns of behaviour, not facts.  Moreover, the claim is that these speculative possibilities were derived from analyses and appreciations of the inner workings of post-Shah Iran made by the US intelligence community.  Not doubt that shakiness of this allegation is one reason why the complaint filed in the New York court only names the obscure Mr. Shakuri as the only co-conspirator in Iran. 

So ... the Obama Administration wants the American people and the world to believe the same Intelligence community that (1) disgraced itself in Iraq and has performed so poorly in Afghanistan and (2) failed utterly to predict the beginning of the Iranian Revolution in 1979 (when Iran was our close ally and was flooded with US operatives), now has a far more reliable cultural appreciation of the inner working of the Iranian revolutionary regime, with which the US has had only limited relations.  The inferences are so reliable, in fact, that Mr. Obama, Mr. Holder and Ms. Clinton, lawyers all, would have the American people believe their inferences are sufficient to dismiss any legal limitations of circumstantial evidence and reasonable doubt surrounding a question relating to war or peace for a country that is already over-extended in wars in the Middle East, Central Asia, North Africa, and the Horn of Africa.

The absurdity and danger implicit in this kind of thinking, coupled with the government's track record of fixing intelligence to fit its pre-concieved policies, elevates the question of a false flag to a level of legitimacy that should but won't be investigated.

Chuck Spinney
Barcelona



--------- Attachment 1 ------------

From: Ray Close
Date: October 13
Subject: Questions about alleged Iranian plot

Because it is a PDF document, I have to ask you to download the attachment, which is a true copy of the Amended Complaint written and signed by FBI Special Agent Robert Woloszyn and filed before the judge of the Southern District of New York on 11 October 2011 concerning the alleged Iranian plot to assassinate the Saudi Arabian ambassador to the United States in Washington, D.C.  It is not a long document.

Please read paragraphs 22, 23 and 24, for starters.  Note:  "CS-1" is the FBI's Confidential Informant, presumably a Mexican, who is described by Special Agent Woloszyn as a man "posing as an associate of a sophisticated and violent drug-trafficking cartel".  As far as I can determine, neither the FBI nor Attorney General Eric Holder has provided any evaluation of this man's reliability or trustworthiness.  It seems that the accuracy of the entire account depends solely on the assessment of this confidential source by one FBI Special Agent --  unless we are being asked to accept a radically abbreviated and simplified version of the case history.

The scum-bag that this murder was being requested and was going to be paid for by a secret group in Iran?
Then ask yourself a very simple question, please:  If you were an Iranian undercover operative who was under instructions to hire a killer to assassinate the Saudi Arabian ambassador in Washington, D.C., why in HELL would you consider it necessary to explain to a presumed Mexican scum-bag that this murder was planned and would be paid for by a secret organization in Iran?

Why identify yourself at all?  If (for some implausible reason) an explanation of some kind was absolutely necessary, why not employ a very simple cover story that the ambassador had violated the honor of your sister, and you were willing to pay a high price to avenge this dishonor?  
Why give the intended murderer incriminating information that could be enormously damaging to the government of Iran if the agent betrayed you or if he were apprehended and chose to confess?  Isn't that something that any ten-year-old would know instinctively? 

Conclusion:  This was not a professional murder-for-hire operation.  
The Iranians are certainly not idiots.  Also, no faction in Iran today, as far as I can see, would have anything to gain at this time from taking such a risk.  Who ever concocted this tale wanted the "plot" to be exposed, and for only one simple purpose that I can surmise:  to precipitate a major crisis in relations between Iran and the United States. It seems to me that our analysis of the case should, therefore, start with a simple calculation:  what other government in the Middle East would benefit most from a serious deterioration in Washington's relations with Teheran?  Who, in fact, would like nothing better than to see those relations take a big step in the direction of military confrontation?

Until all the answers are known, it is my frank opinion that the Obama administration made a very serious error by blowing this incident up into a major international crisis.  
Considering the multitude of other critical problems that America presently faces, and the utter impossiblity of even contemplating any level of military conflict in another Muslim country in the Middle East, it should OBVIOUSLY be the objective of U.S. national policy at this point in time to AVOID destabilizing incidents, not to stir up confrontations like this.  EVEN IF THE ALLEGATIONS PROVE TO BE TRUE, it was a mistake to make such a spectacular accusation without being prepared at the same time to present irrefutable evidence to the world to prove the case, and then to be prepared to take carefully-considered counter-action that is consistent with our calculated national security objectives with regard to Iran.  
As it is, we have made a huge issue without any apparent plan to manage the consequences or to turn the situation to our advantage. There is a time-honored and proven rule of defense and security policy:  if you are not in a position to control and manage a situation to your advantage, then keep your mouth shut and play your cards close to your chest.  DO NOT WALK STICKLY AND CARRY A BIG SOFT, as some wise national leader once advised.

--------- Attachment 2 ------------

Who is really behind it?
 
The implausibility of an Iranian plot

By Esam Al-Amin


On October 11, Attorney General Eric Holder, flanked by the FBI Director and the US Attorney for the Southern District of New York, accused the government of Iran, specifically the elite Quds battalion of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), of plotting to assassinate the ambassador of Saudi Arabia to the U.S, Adel Al-Jubeir.

So what do we know about this alleged conspiracy? And what are the facts pertinent to this explosive charge?

1) The alleged conspirator, Mansour Arbabsiar, is a 56 year old naturalized American of Iranian descent. He has been living in several Texas communities since the late 1970s when he arrived to the U.S. as a student. By all accounts, Arbabsiar led a disorderly life marked by constant failure, whether as a student, husband, father, or businessman.

For over two decades the alleged “mastermind” left behind a trail of successive failed businesses, including a used car lot, a restaurant, a convenience store, and a finance company. One of his friends told the Washington Post that he is “a goofy guy who always had a smile on his face.”

Arbabsiar was neither an ideologue nor religious. His nickname among his close friends was “Jack” because of his affinity for Jack Daniel’s whiskey. Last year, he was arrested for felony possession of a narcotic. According to public documents, his former wife accused him of spousal abuse and filed a protective order against him in 1991.

2) The complaint (so far it is not even an indictment by a grand jury) charges that Arbabsiar allegedly conspired with a high official of the Quds battalion of the IRGC. According to the complaint he was recruited by this official - who is also supposedly his cousin - when he visited Iran earlier this year. 

There is plenty of evidence that the Quds Force has been involved in many militant anti-Western operations in Iraq. It has also been publicly supporting the Palestinian and Lebanese resistance organizations in their struggle with Israel. These activities have earned it the label of “supporter of terrorism” by most Western nations, including the U.S.

But according to Robert Baer, a 21-year veteran CIA operative and analyst, the Quds Force is one of the most professional and disciplined (though deadly) organizations in the Middle East. As reported by CNN, the Quds Force “has never been publicly linked to an assassination plot or an attack on U.S. soil.”

Baer confirmed this fact when he said that “in its 30-year history of attacking the West, the Quds Force went out of its way never to be caught with a smoking gun in hand. It always used well-vetted proxies, invariably Muslim believers devoted to Khomeini's revolution.”  

He then questioned whether the plot was genuine by asking, “Why didn't the Iranians use tried and tested Hizbullah networks and keep Iranian nationals, much less unknown Mexican narcos, out of it?”

3) We know from the complaint that the U.S government was actually directing the plot (target, location, method of attack, setting the price of the assassination, bank account information, etc.) Pete Williams, NBC’s DOJ correspondent, said that the plot was in fact “a sting operation” directed by the Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) and the FBI. A recent report published by New York University Law School showed that in the past decade federal agencies have relied heavily on sting operations, not only in drug busts, but also most significantly in dozens of national security cases “that were planned, financed and executed by the FBI.”

4) According to the official story, we are to believe that, although the price set for the Saudi Ambassador’s assassination by a member of a Mexican drug cartel (who was actually a DEA informant) was $1.5 million, the Iranian handlers expected the assassin to carry it out by advancing him only $100,000 (less than 7 percent of the total amount.)

Moreover, as Baer argued in Time magazine, in three decades of external operations in many countries, the IRGC fingerprints or money transfers were never traced back to Iran, but that Iran has always “enjoyed plausible deniability.” Baer further told CNN that, “it would be completely uncharacteristic for Iran to be caught red-handed.”

Therefore, such sloppy behavior through traceable money transfers and phone intercepts is simply not credible. It appears to be a deliberate attempt to leave behind as many clues as possible to pin this alleged egregious act on Iran.

5) Another hole in this puzzle concerns the possible motive Iran could have by sponsoring such a provocative act. Strategically, Iran has never been stronger in the region. It has been the greatest beneficiary of the U.S. debacle in Iraq and its difficulty in Afghanistan. Furthermore, despite the successive international sanctions imposed on Iran, its nuclear and other military programs have been progressing at an increasingly steady pace, while asserting a growing and dominant role in the region.

Hillary Mann Leverett, an adviser on Iran in former President George W. Bush's administration, told CNN that this act made no sense, and contradicted Iran’s national security strategy. She stated, “There's no benefit; there's no payoff in them pursuing this kind of hit against Adel Al-Jubeir. And it runs contrary to their entire national security strategy.”

If Iran wanted to punish Saudi Arabia it had a plenty of targets in the region, including in Saudi Arabia itself, Iraq, Afghanistan, or the Persian Gulf region in general. If it wanted to target a diplomat, the worst choice would be on U.S. soil where such an act would be easily uncovered and would not go unpunished. It is not clear why Iran would even target a small functionary of the Saudi diplomatic core. Al-Jubeir is neither royalty nor a significant player in Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy.

Since at least 2003, the Iranian national security strategy has been to de-escalate regional tensions and avoid any confrontation with the U.S. or its regional allies, especially Saudi Arabia. It has been in the middle of unprecedented build-up of its military power, especially its navy, nuclear power, and long-range missile programs. Experts believe that it needs at least five more quiet years to finish this phase of its build-up.

6) Ironically, in 2004 the U.S. uncovered an alleged assassination plot by another U.S. national against King Abdullah of Saudi Arabia himself, not his ambassador. In that plot, the U.S. asserted that it confiscated more than $340,000 payoff from former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddhafi for the killing of the Saudi monarch.

The Bush and Blair administrations, which were in bed with Gaddhafi at the time, negotiating the surrender of his nuclear programs, did not threaten or impose any sanctions on the former Libyan regime because of the plot. Although the U.S. sentenced the alleged U.S. conspirator to 23 years in prison, the Saudi king pardoned the alleged assassin who was arrested in Saudi Arabia.

However, this time the reaction by the U.S. and Saudi Arabia was not only swift and harsh, but threatening and escalating.

7) Since the inception of the Arab Spring, Saudi Arabia has been very nervous. It has  sent its army to Bahrain to crack down on the popular protests, while bribing its citizens and inviting the monarchs of Jordan and Morocco to join the GCC alliance in order to halt any movements in these countries towards a constitutional monarchy.

Meanwhile, throughout this year the Saudi media has been relentless in its attacks against Iran, presenting it as a “Shi’a” nation and a “Persian” power set on taking over the Arab Sunni countries in the region. It is an old tactic used by authoritarian regimes to focus the public’s attention on an external enemy to deflect from the popular demands for democracy and civil rights and against repression and corruption as demonstrated by the Arab uprisings throughout the region. This alleged plot plays into the hands of those who want to escalate the confrontation with Iran inside Saudi Arabia.

8) But the clear winners of any escalation with Iran are those who want to attack Iran militarily in the region, namely Israel and Saudi Arabia. In one of the Wikileaks documents released recently, the U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia cabled back to the State Department that King Abdullah wanted a U.S-led military confrontation with Iran. He said that the Saudi monarch wanted to “cut the head of the snake” in the region.

Moreover, former Mossad chief Meir Dagan, who resigned a year ago, described the current Israeli government as “dangerous and irresponsible.” Last spring he told the Israeli Haaretz newspaper that Israeli Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu would attack Iran and that doing so would be “the stupidest thing.” When asked about what would happen in the aftermath of an Israeli attack, Dagan, said that: “It will be followed by a war with Iran. It is the kind of thing where we know how it starts, but not how it will end.”

According to The Forward, twelve of the eighteen living ex-chiefs of Israel's two security agencies (Mossad and Shin Bet), have been opposing an open war with Iran and are “either actively opposing Netanyahu's stances or have spoken out against them.”

So the trick for the right wing Israeli government has been how to drag the U.S. into this war and make it an American-Iranian confrontation rather than an Israeli-Iranian conflict.

To sum up, this alleged plot actually raises more questions than it answers. It’s supposedly led by a “goofy”,  unsuccessful U.S-Iranian dual citizen, who is neither religious nor ideological; manipulated by an informant of a U.S. law enforcement agency fronting as an assassin for a Mexican drug cartel; recruited without vetting by one of the most elite and disciplined organizations in the world, while paying only 7 percent of the contract to assassinate the ambassador to a country (Saudi Arabia) with which Iran is trying to have a good relationship, in a country (the U.S) with which it is trying to avoid any confrontation, while leaving money transfers, telephone intercepts, and clues behind.

If this sounds illogical, then who is behind this amateurish plot?

It is unlikely that there are so-called rouge elements within the IRGC that want to drag the U.S. into a confrontation with Iran. That would amount to virtual suicide within the Iranian establishment. There is no history of such behavior even when the country was militarily much weaker and politically unstable.

Thus, to best answer the question is to identify those who would benefit the most from a confrontation between the U.S. and Iran. Clearly those who have the most to gain from such a clash are Israel and the Iranian opposition, particularly the Mujahedin Khalq Organization (MKO).

While the former seeks to cripple Iran’s nuclear program, the later has been in a deadly confrontation with the Islamicly-oriented government for decades, and wants to weaken the regime so it could be toppled. Both entities have tried over the years to sponsor terrorist operations and covert actions within Iran and outside to damage the regime or implicate it in external terrorist acts.

It is not beyond the realm of possibilities that the Israeli Mossad or the MKO were able to recruit an idiot or his cousin or both in a plot that involved assassinating the Saudi Ambassador, while leaving a trove of evidence behind to be found in order to implicate the Iranian government.

But assuming the U.S. was not privy to it, despite the plot being a sting operation, the more important question is then why the U.S. government  took the bait and escalated the incident to a dangerous course with uncalculated consequences?

The U.S, Israel, and Saudi Arabia can certainly start a war with a more assertive Iran. But they certainly cannot end it. One only has to look at the recent U.S. adventures on either side of Iran’s borders to learn that lesson.

Esam Al-Amin can be reached at alamin1919@gmail.com

--------- Attachment 3 ------------

Excerpts
Officials concede gaps in U.S. knowledge of Iran plot 
WASHINGTON | Wed Oct 12, 2011 7:52pm EDT
(Reuters) - Iran's supreme leader and the shadowy Quds Force covert operations unit were likely aware of an alleged plot to kill Saudi Arabia's ambassador to the United States, but hard evidence of that is scant, U.S. officials said on Wednesday.
The United States does not have solid information about "exactly how high it goes," one official said.
The Obama administration has publicly and directly blamed Iran's government for seeking to kill the Saudi ambassador in Washington, Adel al-Jubeir, and has warned Tehran it will face consequences. The accusation has heightened tensions in the volatile, oil-rich Gulf.
...
The U.S. officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said their confidence that at least some Iranian leaders were aware of the alleged plot was based largely on analyses and their understanding of how the Quds Force operates.
They said it was "more than likely" that Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and Quds Force commander Qasem Suleimani had prior knowledge or approved of the suspected plot. They insisted it was "not a rogue operation in any way," and was sanctioned and directed by Quds Force operatives in Iran.
But other parts of Iran's factionalized government may not have known, they said. That included President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who "didn't necessarily know about this," one said.
...
"We would expect to see the Quds Force cover their tracks more effectively," said one official. Another said a plot to launch a violent attack inside the United States was "very outside the pattern" of recent Quds Force activities.
Kenneth Katzman, an Iran specialist at the Congressional Research Service, said there were elements of the alleged plot that did not make sense.
"The idea of using a Texas car salesman who is not really a Quds Force person himself, who has been in residence in the United States many years, that doesn't add up," Katzman said.
"There could have been some contact on this with the Quds Force, but the idea that this was some sort of directed, vetted, fully thought-through plot, approved at high levels in Tehran leadership I think defies credulity," he said.
The U.S. officials said Quds Force operations until now had principally involved providing covert Iranian support to anti-American and anti-Israeli militants and insurgents in the Middle East and South Asia.
But the officials also noted a history of antagonism between Iran's theocratic Shi'ite government and Saudi Arabia's Sunni monarchy. That hostility manifested itself in the 1996 bombing of Khobar Towers, a Saudi residential complex housing U.S. servicemen, in which U.S. officials say the Quds Force played a significant role.
Officials said the poor tradecraft and loose talk by Arbabsiar left open a strong possibility that officials in Tehran believed the U.S. government would not necessarily view an attack on Saudi Arabia's ambassador as an attack on the United States itself.
...
After his arrest, Arbabsiar confessed that a cousin in Iran, whom U.S. officials identified as Abdul Reza Shahlai, was a senior Quds Force official, the indictment against him said. Federal authorities say that under their supervision after his arrest, Arbabsiar discussed the alleged assassination plot on the phone with Gholam Shakuri, whom one U.S. official identified as a Quds Force "case officer," or agent handler.
A U.S. official said Shahlai in the past had come to the attention of U.S. security officials responsible for monitoring Quds Force activities. Another official said that after his arrest, Arbabsiar identified photographs of two Quds Force operatives that had been provided by U.S. intelligence.
U.S. officials said apart from their historical knowledge about how the Iranian leadership and Quds Force interact, they believed high-level Iranian government support for the plot was corroborated by the fact that Arbabsiar allegedly managed to arrange a $100,000 wire transfer to fund the plot.
The money passed through at least one Asian financial haven, one official said, adding the Iranians were relatively sloppy in concealing the funds' origin.

19 August 2011

Sprey-Cockburn Report



Did Fukushima Meltdown Increase Infant Death Rates in the United States?

Attached below is an extremely important report written by my friends Alexander Cockburn and Pierre Sprey.  They describe on the ramifications of the still unfolding Fukushima nuclear disaster in Japan — specifically, its impact on infant death rates in the United States, and in so doing they also discovered the disastrous state of radiation monitoring by the Environmental Protection Agency.  

Alexander needs no introduction, nor should Pierre, but for those who do now know of him, Pierre is a brilliant statistician/engineer.  He was a key member of the design teams that shaped the enormously successful F-16 and A-10 combat aircraft and he is founder and key sound engineer of the innovative Mapleshade recording studio, renowned for the quality of music among audiophiles.  Pierre approaches statistics in the exploratory empirical tradition that allows the universe of data observations help to shape the hypothesis under test.  Moreover, he does this in a rigorously unbiased way that ends up milking the maximum real (as opposed to spurious) information out of the data.  His analyses are not only elegant and brilliantly simple, they can be awe-inspiring to the analytically inclined. [Pierre's technique is very similar the Exploratory Data Analysis philosophy pioneered by the renowned statistician John Tukey, an accessible description of which can be found here.]

In this case, Pierre constructed a simple statistical test (the Mann-Whitney U Test — explained in the technical addendum I have appended to the end of the Sprey-Cockburn Report) to determine if and how infant death rates in the United States changed after the Fukushima nuclear disaster in Japan.

I urge readers to study this very important report carefully, especially those of you who are infatuated with the idea of building a carbon-free economy, because a carbon-free economy means many more nuclear power plants.

The Sprey-Cockburn Report appeared in the subscriber edition of Counterpunch.  The editors kindly gave me permission to distribute it.  While the free Counterpunch website is a source of much useful information on an incredibly wide range of subjects, the juiciest morsels of investigative journalism are usually reserved for paid subscribers … I strongly recommend that readers subscribe, it will be worthwhile, even if you are interested in only one article out of every six.

Chuck Spinney
Nice France


Where did the Radiation Plumes from Japan Touch Down?
The Fukushima Disaster and Infant Death Rates in the U.S.
· At Least 19 Cities in Harm's Way
· Why EPA Monitoring is a Joke
By Pierre Sprey with Alexander Cockburn
CounterPunch, Volume 18 no 13, July 1-31, 2011 
[Subscriber edition — distributed with permission of editors]

CounterPunch has established that in the eight weeks after the nuclear disaster at the Fukushima complex in Japan on March 11, infant mortality in 19 U.S. cities increased by 35 per cent.
   In the course of this review, conducted by CounterPunch's statistical consultant, Pierre Sprey, it also became clear that the Environmental Protection Agency's monitoring system, known as RadNet, is hopelessly inadequate to assess the effect on U.S. public health of a nuclear accident either overseas or here in the Homeland. EPA's routine sampling is laughable, with sampling frequency and geographic coverage that are hopeless for tracking radiation exposures of concern to public health. EPA's extra sampling following disasters like Three Mile Island or Fukushima can, at best, identify only a tiny fraction of the significant touchdowns of the concentrated radiation plumes from an accident site.
   This past June, to check on a Sherman and Mangano piece on the CounterPunch website showing elevated infant deaths in eight cities in the Pacific Northwest post-Fukushima, we asked CounterPunch's statistical advisor Pierre Sprey to review data available from the Center for Disease Control (CDC) in the form of weekly deaths of infants of one year or less in 122 reporting cities across the U.S.A. This is the only available database where one can get numbers bearing on very recent mortality trends within a week or so after the deaths occurred. Most other mortality databases are not published within a year or more of the events covered.
   In June, Sprey reviewed data from all eight cities mentioned in the Sherman/Mangano article, as well as the three remaining Pacific area CDC-reporting cities to the north of these eight: San Jose, Santa Cruz, Fresno, Berkeley, San Francisco, Sacramento, Portland, Seattle, Tacoma, Spokane and Boisie. Sprey found that the four northernmost Pacific Northwest cities of these eleven- Portland, Tacoma, Seattle and Spokane - showed remarkably significant results.
   During the ten weeks before March 11 the four cities suffered 55 deaths among infants less than one year old. In the ten weeks after Fukushima 78 infants died - a 42 per cent increase, one that is statistically significant. To confirm once again that these results were not due to seasonality, Sprey compared the infant deaths in the ten weeks after Fukushima to the deaths in the equivalent ten weeks a year earlier. The results were almost identical with the ten weeks before Fukushima in 2011. Within the equivalent ten weeks of 2010, 53 infants died in these four cities.
   The post-Fukushima deaths are 47 per cent higher than they were in the same period a year before - once again, statistically significant. If you add the equally far north city of Boise, Idaho, to the four-city sample, the results remain almost unchanged.
Such results are not as surprising as they seem: Chernobyl was associated with similar spikes in infant mortality at various distant locations in Europe. Even though our northern Pacific coast is 4,500 miles from Fukushima, significant localized concentrations of radioisotopes are to be expected because the meltdown's radiation plumes carried by the Pacific's westerly winds, much like pollution plumes and ash plumes elsewhere, did not disperse uniformly with distance - contrary to the equations used by all atmospheric computer modelers. In fact, actual observations of radiation dispersal after Chernobyl or volcanic ash dispersal after any notable eruption, including the recent Icelandic eruptions, always show that the particles disperse in unpredictable and surprisingly concentrated plumes, which touch down occasionally and with high concentrations at great distances from the source.
   In his June review on our website, Sprey pointed out that an important line of inquiry would be to correlate the sampled cities' infant death results with contemporaneous measurements of radiation levels in the drinking water, and possibly the milk supplies in nearby areas. In that review, Sprey selected the four Northwest city samples because he was trying to analyze the data from all CDC-reporting cities within a geographically consistent area that might have been exposed to Japanese radiation. 
   Now Sprey, with the help of CounterPunch researcher Jed Bickman, has widened his purview and sharpened his selection criteria to include more cities. He looked for cities specifically defined by elevated radiation levels near them, using EPA iodine-131 measurements as the indicator of a nearby plume touchdown. Locations in the EPA RadNet database showing significantly raised iodine-131 in any air, rain or drinking water sample (or significantly raised strontium-89 in a milk sample) within the 20 days following Fukushima were selected. If any of the 122 cities reporting weekly mortality to the CDC was nearby or within 100 miles or so downwind of one of these RadNet locations, this was taken as an indicator that the reporting city could have been exposed to a radioactive plume touchdown. Note that, as discussed at greater length below, the EPA RadNet samples are so sparse in time and space - days or weeks apart and often hundreds and hundreds of miles between monitoring sites - that the vast majority of actual plume touchdowns across the country almost certainly remained undetected. 
   Using this approach, Sprey selected 19 cities showing evidence of being near a touchdown within 20 days of the Fukushima disaster. Five proved to be Portland, Seattle, Spokane, Tacoma and Boise, the cities already examined in the June analysis. Five more from the Sherman/Mangano study also met the criteria: Santa Cruz, Sacramento, San Francisco, San Jose and Berkeley. New cities added were Long Beach, Las Vegas, Ogden, Salt Lake City, Colorado Springs, Denver and, surprisingly, three cities in Florida - St. Petersburg, Tampa and Jacksonville. 
   Sprey took infant deaths during the eight weeks after the Fukushima disaster on March 11 (weeks 11 through 20 of 2011) and compared them to two control samples. One control sample was the deaths during the identical eight-week period from a year earlier (weeks 11 through 20 of 2010), and the second was the eight-week period in 2011 just before Fukushima. 
   Sprey found that, when compared to 2010, infant mortality in the 19-city sample increased by a statistically significant 35 per cent. The raw numbers are 305 infant deaths in the eight weeks after Fukushima and 226 deaths for the same eight-week period in 2010. Comparing the 305 post-Fukushima deaths to the 259 infant deaths in the eight weeks just before the meltdown yielded a statistically significant 18 per cent increase.
The percentages are not quite as large as the percentage increases for the four-city sample of the June review, but statistical reliability has increased considerably, because the sample almost doubled the number of cities and quadrupled the number of deaths included.
As Sprey reviewed the data available, he was astounded at the sampling inadequacy of EPA's RadNet, all that the United States has available to monitor the exposure and health risks of large masses of people during a nuclear accident - most importantly during a domestic power plant accident where far more Americans would be at risk than from Fukushima. 
Radiation does not disperse according to any model. Plumes move unpredictably. Thus, the only way to monitor is to have a network which is geographically dense enough, and to sample often enough that it doesn't miss a lot of plume touchdowns. And the sampling frequency needs to be adequate for each of the ways in which the public could be exposed to harmful radiation: through drinking water, milk, rain, and airborne particles. 
As stated at the outset, EPA's RadNet is hopelessly inadequate. For an example, Sprey looked up what the RadNet database had collected for the decade 2001 to 2010 in the most populous state in the union, California.
Air: first, consider airborne isotope results across 10 years for the entire state of California, measuring six isotopes of concern for public health: iodine-131 and five others (in EPA lingo, these are called air filter samples). Across the entire decade, there were only 11 readings, all of them conducted on one day, December 31, 2009 - and only one sample for each of 11 cities on that day. 
Milk: in a decade, EPA took only six readings for all of California, one in Los Angeles, and five samples in San Francisco.
Rain: EPA measured only gross gamma radiation and a short list of isotopes, which doesn't include iodine-131 or strontium-89, both of prime interest for public health after a nuclear power plant accident. Over the decade, rain sample readings were taken only once a month, and only at one site in all of California: Berkeley till March 2004, then Richmond from March 2004 to June 2010. After June there are no readings, because either EPA failed to update the database or lost interest. 
   Drinking water: this is a major health concern because a city's drinking water exposes citizens to radioactive particles washed into the system from across an entire watershed. Only three cities received any drinking water readings at all. In Los Angeles, EPA took one isotope reading a year but only for iodine-131, cesium-137 and tritium. Tritium measurements of interest only to detect if a thermonuclear explosion has taken place, are useless, and iodine has an eight-day half-life, so it disappears long before the next one-a-year sample is taken. In Richmond, EPA measured drinking water once a year, but only for seven years of the decade. Berkeley made do with three years. 
   In New York State the situation is just as bad. In all of New York, air filter isotope readings were taken on just one day, December 31, 2009. For drinking water isotopes, EPA measured one sample per year in only three cities: Albany, Niagara Falls, and Syracuse. New York City had no drinking water readings for the entire decade.
For rain, there were monthly readings at two places in New York State: Yaphank and Albany. New York City's rain remained unmonitored. 
For milk: over the decade, three milk samples were measured for Buffalo and two for Syracuse; New York City milk drinkers were left to fend for themselves.
Amid these appalling deficiencies, EPA thumps its chest proudly for its small network of about 125 "near-real time," continuously monitoring stations across the U.S.A. - stations that measure gamma radiation as continuous graphs (at infrequent intervals, these stations also send in air sample filters for the conventional laboratory air-isotope readings discussed above). Typical continuous gamma graphs from these stations provide little or nothing of public health interest, because they consist only of very small perturbations above a steady background level. EPA claims, however, that slightly atypical perturbations can alert EPA scientists that something unusual is happening. Then, by comparing the recorded gamma particle counts in each of ten bands of energy levels, trained technicians are said to get good indications of what radioactive isotope may be the source. 
  The catch? EPA's continuous gamma monitoring database doesn't disclose when scientists have determined that an unusual event has occurred, what isotope was identified, or what action was taken. In other words, EPA's years and years of stored gamma graphs yield nothing of interest to anyone outside EPA, neither public health officials nor the public. CP
 
Pierre Sprey has been a consulting statistician for EPA studies in air and water quality monitoring and related health effects and a principal member of the Pentagon's concept design teams for the F-16 and A-10. He is now running Mapleshade, his record label that sets new standards for sound quality and manufactures pioneering cables, vibration control devices and other upgrades for perfectionist audio systems. 
—————
Technical Addendum
CS Note: I asked Pierre Sprey for a technical description of the statistical test used to determine the significance of his results.  For the statistically inclined, attached below is Pierre’s description of the Mann-Whitney U test.  Used properly, it is an extremely powerful non-parametric or distribution free test [a good textbook explaining the power and use of these kinds of statistical tests is James Bradley's classic Distribution-Free Statistical Tests ]:
“The appropriate  distribution-free test is the Mann-Whitney U test for comparing the medians of two different samples (the samples can be of different size and don't even have to have the same underlying distribution). It tests the hypothesis that the median week's death count for the 19 cities during the 10 weeks after meltdown is to the median week for the 10 weeks before (or, alternatively, the same 10 weeks one year earlier). The alternate hypothesis is that the "after" sample is greater.

The test works by rank ordering all 20 weeks taken together, then looking at T, the sum of the rank positions only in the "after" sample of weeks. From this you calculate U as follows:

 U = n1 n2 + {n1 (n1 + 1)/2} – T , where n1 and n2 are the sizes of the first and second samples respectively.

In this case, the two sample sizes to be compared are equal (i.e., 10). The distribution of U is known (as long as you know the two sample sizes) so you can look it up in a table of the U-statistic to get the significance level. The reason the distribution of ranks (properly normalized) is known and invariant is because ranks are a distribution-free measure. Think of it this way: the chance of the second sample value you draw having the 5th largest rank doesn't in any way depend on the distribution of the actual sample value itself.”

19 July 2011

How the GOP Became a Death Cult



My good friend Werther provides some high octane fuel to get you through the day.


Zombies on the March
How the GOP Became a Death Cult
By Werther*
Electric Politics, 18 July 2011
Does anyone still remember the GOP of the chowder and marching society, Jell-O salads, Buicks, and cloth coats? Is it conceivable that a Republican could have written the following? —
"Should any political party attempt to abolish social security, unemployment insurance, and eliminate labor laws and farm programs, you would not hear of that party again in our political history. There is a tiny splinter group, of course, that believes you can do these things. Among them are H. L. Hunt (you possibly know his background), a few other Texas oil millionaires, and an occasional politician or business man from other areas. Their number is negligible and they are stupid."

That was President Eisenhower, writing to his brother Edgar in 1954.

But the Republican Party of 2011 is not your grandfather's GOP, not by a long shot. To be sure, the party always had its share of crackpots, like Robert K. Dornan or William E. Dannemeyer. But the crackpot outliers of two decades ago have become the vital center today: Steve King! Michele Bachman (now a leading presidential candidate as well)! Paul Broun! Patrick McHenry! Virginia Foxx! Louie Gohmert! The Congressional Directory now reads like a casebook of lunacy.
The Republican Party of 2011 believes in three principal tenets (the rest of their platform is essentially window dressing):
1. They solely and exclusively care about their rich contributors, and have built a whole catechism on the protection and further enrichment of America's plutocracy. Their caterwauling about deficit and debt is so much eyewash, intended to con the booboisie. Whatever else President Obama has accomplished (and many of his purported accomplishments are highly suspect), his $4-trillion deficit reduction package did perform the useful service of smoking out Republican hypocrisy. The GOP could not abide so much as a one-tenth of one percent increase on the tax rates of the Walton family (net worth: $86 billion) or the Koch brothers, much less a repeal of the carried interest rule that permits billionaire hedge fund managers to pay income tax at a lower effective rate than cops or nurses.

2. They worship at the altar of Mars. While the me-too Democrats have set a horrible example of keeping up with the Joneses with respect to waging war, they can never match GOP stalwarts such John McCain or Lindsey Graham in their sheer, libidinous enthusiasm for invading other countries. McCain wanted to mix it up with Russia — a nuclear-armed state — during the latter's conflict with Georgia in 2008 (remember? — "we are all Georgians now," a slogan that did not, fortunately, catch on), while Graham has been persistently agitating for attacks on Iran and intervention in Syria. And these are not fringe elements of the party; they are the leading "defense experts" who always get tapped for the Sunday talk shows. If we are to believe Eric Cantor, a majority of House Republicans will not vote to raise the debt ceiling; yet these are the same people who just passed a defense appropriations bill that increases spending by $17 billion over the prior year's defense appropriation. To borrow Chris Hedges' formulation, war is the force that gives meaning to their lives.

3. Gimme that old time religion. Pandering to religious nuts is a full-time vocation in the GOP. Beginning in the 1970s, religious cranks ceased simply to be a minor public nuisance and grew into the major element of the Republican rank and file. Pat Robertson's strong showing in the 1988 Iowa Caucus signaled the gradual merger of politics and religion in the party. The results are all around us: if the American people poll more like Iranians or Nigerians than Europeans or Canadians on questions of evolution versus creationism, scriptural inerrancy, the existence of angels and demons, and so forth, that result is due to the rise of the Religious Right, its insertion into the public sphere by the Republican Party, and the consequent normalizing of formerly reactionary or quaint beliefs. The Constitution to the contrary notwithstanding, there is now a de facto religious test for the presidency: major candidates are encouraged (or coerced) to "share their feelings" about their "faith" in a revelatory speech; or, some televangelist like Rick Warren dragoons the candidates (as he did with Obama and McCain in 2008) to debate the finer points of Christology, with Warren himself, of course, as the arbiter. Politicized religion is also the sheet anchor of the culture wars. But how did this toxic stew of beliefs come completely to displace Eisenhower Republicanism?

It is our view that the rise of politicized religious fundamentalism (which is a subset of the decline of empiricism in America) is the key ingredient of the takeover of the Republican Party. For politicized religion provides a substrate of beliefs that rationalizes — at least in the minds of followers — all three of the GOP's main tenets.
Televangelists have long-espoused the health-and-wealth/name-it-and-claim it gospel. If you are wealthy, it is a sign of God's favor. If not, too bad! But don't forget to tithe in any case. This rationale may explain why some downscale whites vociferously defend the prerogatives of billionaires.
The GOP's fascination with war is also connected with the fundamentalist mindset. The Old Testament abounds in tales of slaughter — God ordering the killing of the Midianite male infants and enslavement of the balance of the population, the divinely-inspired genocide of the Canaanites, the slaying of various miscreants with the jawbone of an ass — and since American religious fundamentalist seem to prefer the Old Testament to the New (particularly that portion of the New Testament known as the Sermon on the Mount), it is but a short step to approving war as a divinely-inspired mission. This sort of thinking has led, inexorably, to such phenomena as Jerry Falwell writing that God is Pro-War.
It is the apocalyptic frame of reference of fundamentalists, their belief in an immanent Armageddon, that psychologically conditions them to steer this country into conflict, not only on foreign fields (some evangelicals thought Saddam was the Antichrist, and therefore a suitable target for cruise missiles), but also in the realm of domestic political controversy. It is hardly surprising that the most adamant proponent of the view that there is no debt ceiling problem is Michele Bachmann, the darling of the fundamentalist right. What does it matter, anyway, if the country defaults? — we shall presently abide in the bosom of the Lord.
But while the rank and file of the faithful believe, deludedly, in whatever nonsense they believe, their tactical allies and paymasters may be playing a more cynical game. Behind a lot of crazy movements in history there were rational actors who made money off them (Krupp and I.G. Farben vis-à-vis the Nazis, etc.). We may be wrong to blithely assume the "business community" is unanimously supporting an increase in the debt ceiling. There could be vultures who are pushing a default so they can buy up the pieces at a fire-sale price. What else could explain all the money the Koch brothers are pumping into Michele Bachmann's campaign?
The sleep of reason breeds monsters.
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* Werther is the pen name of a Northern Virginia-based defense analyst.
Posted by Werther on July 18, 2011 4:34 PM

15 July 2011

Obama's Game: Inflating Expectations but No Follow Thru


President Obama is in trouble at home and around the world.  The common denominator in his problems is his failure to follow through on the expectations (promises of change) he recklessly excited.  The threat of an expectations/reality mismatch unravelling his presidency was always implicit in his election strategy (see my last paragraph of "How Obama Won.").  Today the effects of this mismatch are coming home roost, as can be seen in the mounting alienation of his domestic political base in the United States by continuing the Clinton/Bush neoliberal politicies.  But, those effects are also coming home to roost grand strategically, as can be seen his plummeting popularity abroad, particularly in the Arab World, as shown in the attached survey by Zogby International for the Arab American Institute Foundation, where he has done nothing to change the Three Pillars of Middle East Policy


ARAB ATTITUDES, 2011

Conducted by Zogby International, Analysis by James Zogby
Arab American Institute Foundation
The full report can be downloaded from this link:

Executive Summary   
  • After improving with the election of Barack Obama in 2008, U.S. favorable ratings across the Arab world have plummeted. In most countries they are lower than at the end of the Bush Administration, and lower than Iran's favorable ratings (except in Saudi Arabia).
  • The continuing occupation of Palestinian lands and U.S. interference in the Arab world are held to be the greatest obstacles to peace and stability in the Middle East.
  • While many Arabs were hopeful that the election of Barack Obama would improve U.S.-Arab relations, that hope has evaporated. Today, President Obama's favorable ratings across the Arab World are 10% or less.
  • Obama's performance ratings are lowest on the two issues to which he has devoted the most energy: Palestine and engagement with the Muslim world.
  • The U.S. role in establishing a no-fly zone over Libya receives a positive rating only in Saudi Arabia and Lebanon, but, as an issue, it is the lowest priority.
  • The killing of bin Laden only worsened attitudes toward the U.S.
  • A plurality says it is too early to tell whether the Arab Spring will have a positive impact on the region. In Egypt, the mood is mixed. Only in the Gulf States are optimism and satisfaction levels high.